Home

Notes on the Mahāpurisa, the 32 Marks, and the Cakkavatti

Shortcuts

> Mahāpurisa > 32 Marks > 32 Marks Analysis > 32 Marks Summary > Cakkavatti > Cakkavatti Analysis > Mahāpurisa Revisited

Introduction

At various places in the suttas, we find statements about the Buddha’s body possessing 32 special features. The texts tell us that someone born with these marks is a “Mahāpurisa,” or “Great Man,” and will grow up to fulfill one of two destinies: if he remains a householder, he will become a “Cakkavatti,” or a “Wheel-Turning King.” However, if he renounces his worldly life, he will become a fully-enlightened Buddha.

Here, we are confronted with three closely-related ideas: the Mahāpurisa, the 32 Marks, and the Cakkavatti. Sometimes, the passages involving these ideas can strike modern readers as bizarre or nonsensical. On this page, I will provide a survey of these three ideas as they appear in the suttas, accompanied by a brief summary of a few sources which shed light on the historical context from which these ideas may have emerged.

TL;DR

Lazybones says:
『I ain't readin' this whole dang page! 』
_(:3 」∠)_

Here are the highlights:

1. Originally, the term "mahāpurisa" seems to have been an informal honorific used to praise advanced monks.

2. Eventually, the term became embued with cosmological significance by being associated with two ideas: the 32 Marks, and the Cakkavatti.

3. Textual analysis reveals several things which cast doubt on the authenticty of passages concerning the 32 Marks:

3a. The suttas attribute the 32 Marks to the Brahmins, but all evidence seems to suggest that the idea comes from a pan-Indian fascination with physiognomy (the interpretation of bodily qualities in divination and fortune-telling) which is rooted in Mesopotamian magic.

3b. Most instances of the 32 Marks in the Pali Canon are not mirrored in the Chinese Canon.

3c. Even in instances not unique to the Pali Canon, comparing different versions of passages about the 32 Marks shows that later traditions put much more emphasis on the 32 Marks, sometimes even inserting the idea into passages which originally made no mention of the marks.

3d. In later texts, the 32 Marks have taken on qualities from aniconic art motifs, revealing a dramatic degree of doctrinal evolution.

3e. In the suttas, the 32 Marks seem to be used most often as a story-telling tool which situates a sermon from the Buddha in a narrative framework involving Brahmins; this function relies on earlier textual formulas which were originally unrelated to the 32 Marks. These passages seem to have been inserted into the texts after the schism between the Vibhajjavādin and Sarvāstivādin traditions.

3f. If the idea was present in pre-sectarian Buddhism, it seems to have been a relatively minor part of the teaching, possibly meant to be understood symbolically, as suggested by the clear metaphors found in the marks.

4. The idea of the Cakkavatti seems to be heavily influenced by the Vedic horse-sacrifice called "Ashvamedha" - in fact, it seems to be a deliberate parody of the sacrifice, inverting the violence of the ritual to establish an ideal of kingship rooted in ethics.

4a. Whether or not the idea of the Cakkavatti comes from the Buddha's lifetime or not is a matter of debate; it's possible he taught the idea to establish a guideline for the kings coming to power in the shifting political landscape of his time. However, it's also possible the idea in the suttas is the result of imperial influence from after his death.

Mahāpurisa

In the Suttas

Context 1: An Informal Title of Honor

The term "mahāpurisa" appears in two senses in the suttas: the most basic sense is straightforward, used to praise a person as "great," particularly for being an accomplished disciple.

In MN 151, the Buddha notices the clarity of Sāriputta's faculties and the radiance of his complexion, and asks the monk what meditation he has been practicing which has produced such effects. Sāriputta replies that he has been practicing "the meditation on emptiness," and the Buddha praises him, declaring that practice as "the meditation of a Mahāpurisa."

In SN 47, Sāriputta asks the Buddha what makes someone a "mahāpurisa," and the Buddha responds that a mahāpurisa is "someone whose mind is free," and he goes on to say that this is accomplished through practicing any of the four foundations of mindfulness.

In AN 4, a Brahmin tells the Buddha that Brahmins believe a mahāpurisa has four qualities: i. he is educated in diverse subjects; ii. he understands the meanings of many sayings; iii. he is mindful and possesses a keen memory (particularly regarding sayings and deeds from the past); iv. he tirelessly performs his household duties. This Brahmin asks the Buddha if he agrees. The Buddha refuses to agree or disagree, and instead presents his own four qualities which a mahāpurisa possesses: i. he practices for the welfare and happiness of everyone, having established many people in "the noble method" (a moral, beneficial way of life); ii. he is able to control his thoughts; iii. he is able to enter the jhānas at will, without difficulty; iv. he attains enlightenment through the insight gained by ending the defilements.

AN 8 mentions the "thoughts of a mahāpurisa." The monk Anuruddha was meditating on 7 thoughts upon which a mahāpurisa reflects: a mahāpurisa thinks about how the Buddha's teaching is... i. for those of few wishes (not for those who have many wishes); ii. for those who are content (not for those who are dissatisfied with what they have); iii. for the secluded (not for those who love company); iv. for the energetic (not for the lazy); v. for the mindful (not for those who cannot be mindful); vi. for those with immersion (presumably, through the jhānas) (not for those without immersion); vii. for the wise (not for the unwise). The Buddha detected this with his mental powers, and appeared before Anuruddha in order to reveal to him the 8th thought of a mahāpurisa: The Buddha's teaching is... viii. for those who do not enjoy mental proliferation (not for those who do). The Buddha went on to teach that these eight thoughts can serve as objects of meditation for entering the the jhānas, and eventually a disciple will be able to experience their meager possessions, food, and shelter as if they were grand luxuries.

It is interesting to note that in the above instances, the term "mahāpurisa" does not seem to have any of its legendary implications attested to elsewhere in the suttas - neither those discussed by the Buddha, nor those ascribed to the Brahmins, despite the implication in AN 4 that the Brahmins have their own traditional understanding of the term. The term in this sense is simply an honorable (but informal) title describing a noble disciple.

Context 2: Legend and Cosmology

The term is more commonly found in its legendary context. Here, a Mahāpurisa is a title of cosmological significance given to someone who is born with 32 Marks. Someone born with these marks was said to have two possible destinies (mentioned above). There is little else to say about the term in this context without examining the next two ideas: the 32 Marks, and the Cakkavatti. Let's proceed.

The 32 Marks

The suttas tell us that the science of recognizing the 32 Marks was part of Brahmin education, included in their studies of cosmology. Any "learned Brahmin" was, apparently, expected to be able to look someone's body over and be able to detect the presence of any of these marks (and thus, be able to determine if they were a Mahāpurisa).

What, exactly, were these 32 Marks? Let's look at the standard list given throughout the suttas. Each item will be supplemented with information from DN 30, which explains that every mark arises as a result of kamma performed in past lives and indicates something specific which will come to pass in the life of the Mahāpurisa. When necessary, explanations from scholars will be provided as well.

The List of 32 Marks

i.
Well-planted feet / feet with level tread
He places his foot on the ground evenly, raises it evenly, and touches the ground evenly with the whole sole of his foot.

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having engaged in skillful acts like good conduct of body/speech/mind, giving and sharing, taking precepts, observing uposatha, respecting one’s parents, as well as ascetics and brahmins, honoring one’s elders, etc. having undertaken and lived according to truth, principle, and self-control; having given generously and delighted in non-violence.
What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he cannot be stopped by any human foe.
If he becomes a Buddha, he cannot be stopped by any foe, within or without - not by greed, hatred or delusion; not by any ascetic, brahmin, god, or Māra.
What Brahmin soothsayers say about this mark:
There is no stopping one of such even tread; no foe or obstacle can bar his path.

ii.
An image of a one-thousand-spoked wheel on both soles of his feet

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having brought happiness to many people; having removed threats and having kept people safe; having given lavish gifts.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will have a large following of brahmins and householders, people of town and country, treasury officials, military officers, guardsmen, ministers, counselors, rulers, tax beneficiaries, and princes who will serve him.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will have a large following of monastics, layfolk, gods, humans, asuras, sakkas, rakkhasas (man-eating demons), gandabbas, nāgas, and garudas who will serve him.

What soothsayers say about this mark:
He will have a following, subduing his foes; he'll turn the wheel and rule the land. Aristocrats will be his vassals, flocking to his glory. Either this, or he will be an enlightened teacher, and all living beings will flock to his glory.

iii. Projecting heels

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having realized for himself the horrors of death, he refrained from killing living beings, renouncing the rod & sword; having been kind, living with compassion for all things.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will be long-lived, and no human enemy can kill him prematurely.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will be long-lived, and no living being whatsoever can kill him before his time.

What soothsayers say about this mark:
His straight body, good posture, and long, tender digits indicate a long life to come. As a house-holder, he will make it to a ripe old age. As a renunciant, through the power of iddhi¹, he will be able to live even longer.

iv.
Long fingers and toes [grouped with iii. in DN 30]
Walshe's explanation: This is usually interpreted as having fingers of the same length, and toes of the same length.

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having refrained from killing living beings, renouncing the rod & sword; having been kind, living with compassion for all things

v.
Soft, tender hands and feet

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having made himself beloved and brought people together by way of the “four bases of sympathy” (sangaha-vatthū): generosity, pleasing speech, beneficial conduct, and impartiality.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, his retinue will be inclusive, and all therein will be well-disposed to him: brahmins, citizens, villagers, treasurers, guards, doorkeepers, and royal pages. They will reside amicably all over the realm.
If he becomes a Buddha, his retinue will be inclusive, and all of his followers will be well-disposed to him: monks, nuns, layfolk, gods, asuras, nāgas, and gandhabbas. Out of devotion, they will respond well to his words, practicing in line with what is taught.

vi.
Hands and feet "cling gracefully" or "are net-like" [grouped with v. in DN 30]
Walshe's explanation: This may mean that his hands and feet are slightly webbed.
This is corroborated by examples from the Chinese canon, such as MĀ 161, where he the Buddha is compared to a "king of geese."
However, the Pali tradition disagrees; according to the Theravāda monastic code, someone with webbed digits would not be allowed to join the order.

vii.
High ankles / arched feet
"His ankles stand out well, swollen with flesh and blood, wrapped in skin, pretty above the feet."
The Pali terminology is incredibly obscure.
Walshe's explanation: This means that the ankle rises to half-way up the calf.
Nathan McGovern's explanation: This possibly refers to arched feet.
The Digha commentary claims that this means the ankle lies midway on the foot itself, and not above the heel.

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having spoken to people about their welfare, about Dhamma, and having brought happiness to living beings.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he becomes foremost among laymen. He will master all of Jambudīpa.²
If he becomes a Buddha, he becomes foremost among all living beings. He will live having mastered the entire world.

viii.
Legs/calves "like an antelope"
His calves are prominent and elegant - a sign of swift success.

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having been a skilled teacher in some craft, a science, or a way of conduct or action which brings harm to no one; having taught with the following thought: "How might people quickly learn this, and put it into practice without becoming weary?”

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will swiftly acquire whatever things are fitting for a king.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will swiftly acquire whatever things are fitting for a fully-enlightened teacher.

ix.
When standing upright, his palms can touch his knees [grouped with xix. in DN 30]

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having considered the welfare of others, knowing their natures and the ways people differ from one another; knowing "this one deserves such-and-such, while that one deserves so-and-so."

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will have great wealth filling his treasury and granary.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will possess the wealth of faith, morality, a strong conscience (hiri), prudence (ottapa), learning, generosity/renunciation (cāga), and wisdom.

What soothsayers say about this mark:
As a child, he will have things that suit the householder's life in plenty. As a layman, he will gain worldly wealth. If he renounces the world and its riches, he'll gain that unworldly wealth which is unsurpassed.

x.
That which is hidden by clothing is enclosed in a sheath.
Nathan McGovern's explanation: The penis is completely covered by the foreskin (as opposed to having a foreskin which only partially covers the glans).

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having reunited people with long-lost loved ones, bringing them back together after separation with much rejoicing.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will have more than 1,000 sons, and they will crush the enemy host.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will have more than 1,000 sons - disciples who follow him.

What Brahmin soothsayers say about this mark:
As a Buddha, he will be endowed with still more children than the Cakkavatti - followers who depend on his word.

xi.
Golden complexion

>Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having lived free from anger, even when disparaged; never speaking or behaving abusively, nor with agitation, wrath, aggression, anger, hatred, or resentment; having given away rugs, cloaks, fine linens, cotton, silk, and goods made of wool.

>What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
His body has become like fine gold. He will receive, in this life, the sorts of fine goods which he has given freely in previous lives.
If he becomes a king, he will conquer this vast earth and obtain excellent cloths, fine to the touch.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will receive robes, cloths, and the finest garments, for he still partakes of the fruits from past deeds - what's been done is never lost.

xii.
Skin so delicate that dust and dirt do not stick to it

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having approached an ascetic or Brahmin and asked, "What is good, and what is bad? What is blameworthy, and what is not? What path should be followed, and what should be abandoned? What can I do which will lead to lasting happiness, and not lasting sorrow?"

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will be the most wise of all laypeople.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will have great wisdom, extensive wisdom, joyous wisdom, swift wisdom, penetrative wisdom, discerning wisdom - he will be unequaled in wisdom among all beings.

What soothsayers say about this mark:
He will be able to discern the nuances of delicate issues. He'll turn the wheel and rule the land, foremost among those with possessions - or else he will renounce all such things, and attain enlightenment.

xiii.
Body hairs grow individually; no more than one from any pore

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having rejected false speech and lies; having been a speaker of truth, having been wed to the truth, reliable, consistent, and not deceptive.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will be obeyed by Brahmins and householders.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will be obeyed by monks.

xiv.
Bluish-black hair which curls clockwise [grouped with vii. in DN 30]

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having spoken to people about their welfare, about Dhamma, and having brought happiness to living beings.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he becomes foremost among laymen.
If he becomes a Buddha, he becomes foremost among all living beings.

xv.
Body as straight as a Brahmā god's [grouped with iii. in DN 30]

xvi.
Muscles bulge in seven places
Walshe's explanation: His body has seven convex surfaces, all well-rounded: the backs of the four limbs, the two shoulders, and the torso

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having given fine food and drink to others.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
In this life, he will be given the sort of fine food and drink he gave freely to others in previous lives.

xvii.
Chest "like a lion"

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having desired the welfare of others; wanting their advantage, their comfort, and their freedom from bondage; thinking how they might become more faithful, more moral, more learned, more renounced from the world; thinking how they might increase in Dhamma, in wisdom, in wealth and possessions, in livestock, in wives and children, in servants, workers, helpers, relatives, friends, and acquantances.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will not lose anything (such as his wealth, livestock, or relationships). He will succeed in all things.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will not lose anything (such as faith, morality, or wisdom). He will succeed in all things.

xviii.
The area between the shoulders is heaped, not hollow [grouped with xvii. in DN 30]
Nathan McGovern's explanation: the Pali is vague, and could refer either to the chest or the upper back.

xix.
Proportioned "like a banyan tree" - his height equals his arm-span

xx.
Cylindrical torso [grouped with xvii. in DN 30]

xxi.
Keen sense of taste
When he tastes something with the tip of his tongue, he also tastes it in his throat; the taste is dispersed evenly throughout.

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having refrained from harming beings with his hand, or by stones, rods, and swords; having harmed no one with bonds or threatening words.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will rarely fall ill. His digestion will be good, being neither too hot or too cold.³
If he becomes a Buddha, his body will be likewise healthy, well-suited for the exertion of meditation.

xxii.
Jaws "like a lion"

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having rejected idle chatter, speaking only at the right time, and speaking only what is correct and direct; speaking of Dhamma, of discipline, and what is skillful.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he can't be overcome by any foe or opponent.
If he becomes a Buddha, he can't be overcome by any hostile force, from within or without; not by lust, hatred, delusion, or any ascetic, Brahmin, god, Māra, Brahmā, or anything else whatsoever. He illuminates the four quarters and every space in between.

xxiii.
Forty teeth

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having rejected and abstained from slander, never repeating in one place what he had heard in another to the detriment of others; having reconciled those who were at odds, encouraged those who were united, and rejoiced in peace.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, his followers - brahmins, citizens, villagers, treasurers, guards, doorkeepers, and royal pages - will not be divided amongst themselves.
If he becomes a Buddha, his followers - monks, nuns, layfolk, gods, asuras, nāgas, and gandhabbas - will not be divided amongst themselves.

xxiv.
Teeth are evenly-spaced

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having rejected wrong livelihood, living instead by right livelihood; having refrained from cheating others with false measurements, from bribery, corruption, deception, insincerity; abstaining from wounding, killing, capturing, and robbing others.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, his followers - brahmins, citizens, villagers, treasurers, guards, doorkeepers, and royal pages - will be pure.
If he becomes a Buddha, followers - monks, nuns, layfolk, gods, asuras, nāgas, and gandhabbas - will be pure.

What soothsayers say about this mark:
Those who follow him will bow to his command, but not by threat of force; they will strive for the welfare of the public, never harming the realm. If he renounces the world, his followers will free themselves of wickedness, impurity, and all that is worthy of blame. He will be surrounded by people who have purified themselves from such stains.

xxv.
No gaps in between teeth [grouped with xxiii. in DN 30]

xxvi.
Perfectly white canine teeth [grouped with xxiv. in DN 30]

xxvii.
Exceptionally long tongue

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having rejected harsh speech, speaking only what was blameless, pleasing to the ear, and agreeable; having spoken in ways that touch the hearts of the people and please them.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, his voice will be persuasive. His followers - brahmins, citizens, villagers, treasurers, guards, doorkeepers, and royal pages - will take his words to heart.
If he becomes a Buddha, his voice will likewise be persuasive. His followers - monks, nuns, layfolk, gods, asuras, nāgas, and gandhabbas - will likewise take his words to heart.

xxviii.
Voice "like a Brahmā god’s, or a karavīka/cuckoo bird's" [grouped with xxvii. in DN 30]

xxix.
Deep blue eyes

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having looked at others directly, without averting his eyes; having been straightforward; having dealt with others straightforwardly, and looking upon them with kindness in his eyes.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will be seen lovingly by brahmins, citizens, villagers, treasurers, guards, doorkeepers, and royal pages.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will be seen lovingly by monks, nuns, layfolk, gods, asuras, nāgas, and gandhabbas.

xxx.
Eyelashes "like a cow" [grouped with xxix. in DN 30]

xxxi.
A soft, white tuft of hair between the eyebrows [grouped with xiii. in DN 30]

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having rejected false speech and lies; having been a speaker of truth, having been wed to the truth, reliable, consistent, and not deceptive.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will be obeyed by Brahmins and householders.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will be obeyed by monks.

xxxii.
Head shaped "like a royal turban"
Walshe's explanation: This is the "usnīsa," a protuberance on the top of the head. This is usually represented by an oval or a royal top-knot in Buddhist iconography, but in the suttas, it's described as something like a growth on top of the Mahāpurisa's head.

Past kamma which gives rise to this mark:
Having been foremost in skillful behavior, a leader in right action of body, speech, & mind; in generosity, virtue, taking precepts, and observing uposatha; in honoring elders, ascetics, Brahmins, and the head of the clan; as well as other such practices.

What this means for the Mahāpurisa:
If he becomes a Cakkavatti, he will have the loyalty of brahmins, citizens, villagers, treasurers, guards, doorkeepers, and royal pages.
If he becomes a Buddha, he will have the loyalty of monks, nuns, layfolk, gods, asuras, nāgas, and gandhabbas.

In the Suttas

An Outlier from the Sutta Nipāta

Most scriptures that discuss the marks do so by referencing all 32, and they are described as being found on the body of a Mahāpurisa. At least one example, however, suggests that some people can be born with a smaller number of these marks. Sn 5.1 mentions a Brahmin named teacher named Bāvari who possess three of them: the exceptionally long tongue, the tuft of hair between the eyebrows, and the "sheathed" penis. In order to inspire confidence in this man's students, the Buddha reveals to them that he knows (by way of his mental powers) which of the marks their master possesses.

Typical Instances of the 32 Marks

For the other examples from the suttas, it is best to rely on the work of Nathan McGovern. He points out 13 suttas which are relevant to this discussion, and singles out 3 of them as substantial examples of the physiognomy involved in the belief of 32 Marks. He analyzes these 3 specific suttas in the light of 3 different scriptural formulas that appear throughout the Pali Canon. This may seem complicated, but don't worry - going over this classification of his will allow us to briefly touch on all the ways the 32 Marks appear in the Pali Canon.

The Triple Veda Formula

McGovern points out that, in most cases, when the suttas make mention of the 32 Marks, it is in the form of a formula about Brahmin education. 11 of the 13 relevant suttas use this formula.⁴ It goes like this:

[A Brahmin] was/is educated in the Three Vedas, as well as the five related sciences: Vedic vocabulary, ritual practice, phonology, etymnology, and the historical narratives. He was also learned in philology and grammar, as well as cosmology and the marks of a Great Man.

The suttas use this formula in one of 3 ways:
1. To introduce a Brahmin who is going to meet the Buddha in a sermon's narrative framing⁵
2. Similarly, within a narrative framing to a sermon, Brahmins telling another Brahmin (who plans to go and meet the Buddha) why it would be beneath him to go and visit a non-Brahmin ascetic⁶
3. A Brahmin telling the Buddha that Brahmins are great, in part, because of their mastery of the Threefold Knowledge (Tevijja), specifically, the Three Vedas (and all of the related branches of education mentioned above).⁷

In all three cases, it is made clear that the Pali Canon closely associates the 32 Marks with the Brahmins. The discipline of inspecting someone’s body for these marks is included as part of their Vedic education, specifically grouped with cosmology.

The Fame of Gautama Formula

There are two versions of this formula - one longer, and one shorter. It involves people spreading word about Gautama visiting the area where they live, and discussing his good reputation. It appears in 28 texts⁸ (though brief pieces of the formula are found in even more). Only 6 of these suttas make any mention of the 32 Marks. 3 of those do so only in passing, outside of the formula itself (DN 4 & 5, and MN 95). The other 3 are the suttas which feature the full theme of Brahmin inspection (DN 3, and MN 91 & 92/Sn 3.7).

The Two Paths Formula

This formula explicitly concerns the Mahāpurisa and his 32 Marks. It is a declaration that someone born with these marks will fulfill one of two destinies: if they remain a householder, they will become a Cakkavatti - a Wheel-Turning King. If they renounce the lay life, they will instead become a fully-enlightened Buddha.

This formula appears in 5 suttas, 3 of which are the suttas featuring Brahmins inspecting the Buddha’s body (DN 3, MN 91&92/Sn 3.7). The other 2 are DN 14 & 30.

In DN 14, the Buddha tells some of his monks the legend of one of the previous Buddhas, Vipassī. He recounts how, when the infant Mahāpurisa was born, his father (the king) invited Brahmin soothsayers to come and inspect the boy’s body. They declare the presence of the 32 Marks and foretell the two possible destinies.

In DN 30, the Buddha lists and describes the 32 Marks, and explains to some of his monks that each mark is produced as the result of some specific kamma from a past life. As McGovern points out, this sutta is the only place in the Pali Canon where the 32 Marks are not explicitly linked to Brahmins. However, it does make mention of “outsider rishis (sages),” who know what the marks are, but are ignorant of the kammic causes. One could easily infer that these are meant to be Brahmins due to the other examples from the canon, but the ambiguity is noteworthy.

The Greater Theme: Brahmins Inspecting the Buddha's Body

Finally, we may now touch on the 3 suttas that make use of the three formulas above in a greater narrative theme: Brahmins inspecting the Buddha’s body for the marks in order to confirm for themselves his reputation as a fully-enlightened Buddha.

As McGovern points out, DN 3 and MN 91 closely parallel one another: both feature 2 Brahmins, a teacher and his student; the teacher hears about the Buddha’s arrival in the local area by way of the “Fame of Gautama” formula; he tells his student to go investigate; the student asks how to tell if the Buddha is legitimate; the teacher reminds him of the 32 Marks and, with the “Two Paths” formula, points out that if he is truly a fully-enlightened Buddha, his body will bear these marks; the student goes and investigates the Buddha’s body (in the case of MN 91, this involves the student stalking the Buddha for 7 months!); the student sees 30 of the 32 marks, excluding the “sheathed penis” and the long tongue; the Buddha detects that the Brahmin wishes to see these, and reveals them; the student reports his findings to the teacher, who wishes to confirm for himself; the teacher goes to meet the Buddha, inspects his body again, and again the Buddha reveals the two unseen marks; finally, the Brahmin teacher is convinced of the Buddha’s legitimacy.

MN 92 more or less follows the same formula, but the role of the student is less central to the narrative. Instead, the student functions mostly as a means of breaking the news of the Buddha’s visit to the Brahmin teacher, by way of the Fame of Gautama formula. The teacher then thinks to himself that he should see if the rumors are true, and his thoughts are relayed in the form of the Two Paths formula. He then goes to see the Buddha, inspects his body, and the Buddha reveals the final 2 marks.

Analysis

When we investigate these passages and suttas, we find three problems which cast doubt on the authenticity of the 32 Marks doctrine:
1. The suttas seem to be incorrect in associating the 32 Marks with the Brahmins.
2. Many instances of the 32 Marks in the Pali Canon have no parallel in the Chinese Canon (suggesting post-sectarian origin).
3. Even in instances where the 32 Marks appear in both the Pali Canon and the Chinese Canon (suggesting pre-sectarian origin), there is evidence of inauthenticty.

1. The non-Brahminical Origins of the 32 Marks

As we have seen, the Pali Canon is quite clear that the 32 Marks are associated with Brahmins. The “Three Vedas” formula groups the science of the marks with Vedic cosmology, and the “Two Paths” formula explicitly states that the knowledge of the marks comes from the Brahminical mantras—implying they would be part of the Vedas.

There’s a big problem here—the 32 Marks are not found in the Vedas, nor in any Brahminical literature which would have been contemporary with the Buddha. Buddhaghosa himself was aware of this when compiling the commentaries. His solution to the dilemma was to claim that the Suddhāvāsa⁹ gods disguised themselves as Brahmins and introduced the idea of the 32 Marks into the Vedas in the form of the “Buddha-mantras,” so that people in positions of power would be able to confirm the arrival of the newborn Buddha. He explained that the reason the 32 marks could no longer be found in the Vedas was because the Buddha-mantras were forgotten after the Buddha’s death.

This explanation may well suffice for faithful Theravādins, but to me, it seems like a transparent attempt to rationalize an apparent inaccuracy. Let's look at the 32 Marks more critically and ask ourselves: "Where does this idea come from?"

The Mesopotamian Divination to Indian Physiognomy Pipeline

Above, I mentioned Sn 5.1, which discusses the Brahmin named Bāvari and the 3 marks he possessed. Sujato has pointed out that the word "Bāvari" is simply the Pali word for "Babylonian." This possibly indicates that he was a Babylonian or was associated with Babylonian lore. This is interesting, because the work of Kenneth Zysk points to a strong possibility: Indian physiognomy, which manifested in Buddhism as the 32 Marks, has its roots in ancient Mesopotamian divination systems.

Akkadians had produced cuneiform tablets about physiognomy by the 7th century BCE, although Mesopotamian sources reference the practice as far back as the 11th century BCE. One such text, preserved in the library of Ashurbanipal, is the “Exorcist’s Manual,” a handbook of various practices - including the reading and interpretation of bodily marks - compiled by a Babylonian scholar named Esagil-kin-apli, who lived in the early 11th century. David Pingree has noted the similarities between some of the omens found in this text and ones found later in the Brahmajāla Sutta (which can be dated to the early centuries before the common era).

Zysk and Pingree both theorize that these physiognomy systems spread to India by way of land conquest, most likely through a Persian dynasty. The Achaemenids ruled Gandhāra in Northwest India as well as the Indus Valley from 538 - 331 BCE, and the Parthian Empire (150 BCE - 270 CE) ruled as far as Western India (including the important city of Taxila). Evidence from Uruk reveals that the role of “Exorcist” (described in Esagil-kin-apli’s manual) existed as late as the 2nd century BCE.

Another similarity between the Mesopotamian systems and the Indian systems which appeared later is the division between the signs of men’s bodies and the signs of women’s bodies. The interpretation of the signs on men’s bodies is preoccupied with kingship and nobility, likely a product of having been practiced and preserved by conquerors.

As such, these practices seem to have been first adopted in India by the royal and military members of the Khattiya caste. In time, they were taken up and developed by other groups. Buddhist texts explicitly forbid monastics from practicing the interpretation of men and women’s bodily marks as a means of separating themselves from other (lesser) “ascetics and Brahmins,” demonstrating that this form of divination had become a general part of Indian tradition by the time of the Buddhists.

Zysk theorizes that Brahmins absorbed and elaborated on their own versions of this system as part of an effort to secure power through proximity to royalty. In doing so, they presented themselves as bearers of the knowledge which could foretell the destiny of royal newborns. Their success in appropriating this role is attested to in the Buddhist texts, which assume that the science of physiognomy and the role of Brahmins as royal soothsayers are rooted in the Vedas.

As mentioned above, the 32 Marks are not found in the Vedas. However, McGovern points to one possible hymn which could have influenced the development of the system of 32 Marks: the Purusha Sukta. This hymn discusses “the Purusha,” a cosmic being sacrificed by the gods in an act of creation. There are not many parallels to the 32 Marks, but the hymn discusses small details of the Purusha’s body, including a “full tongue,” a “heaped up breast and neck,” and “seven apertures.”

After the Vedas, however, we can find an entire genre of Brahminical literature concerned with divination and the interpretation of marks & omens: the jyotisa literature. Zysk says that the earliest such text is the Gārgīyajyotisa, which likely originated near Gandhāra some time before 25 CE.¹⁰

This text discusses the significance of bodily qualities such as radiance, sheen, complexion, the nature of the eyes, one’s gait, the voice, and the body’s size and form—all of which have parallels in the Buddhist texts. The Buddhist system found in the 32 Marks is roughly contemporary with this text, perhaps even a little earlier. The parallels between the two systems - though significant - are not one-to-one. This suggests they both developed from a wider trend in Indian culture. This wider trend, as discussed above, seems to have been derived from Mesopotamian divination.

Later Brahminical texts feature more developed systems which seem to have been derived from the Buddhist list. These works use terms like "Great Man" and have numbered lists of marks ranging from 31 to 33, with 32 being common. The most striking example is the Brhatsamhitā, a 6th century text which draws directly from the Gārgīyajyotisa. Nathan McGovern points out two chapters of this work which are most relevant to the topic at hand: 68 & 69.

Chapter 68 concerns general fortune-telling using the marks on men’s bodies. It does not mention any “Great Man,” but there are 16 marks which have parallels in the Buddhist list. 10 of these predict kingship, and the remainder predict auspicious circumstances such as a long or pleasurable life. These marks include long fingers, soft/tender hands/feet, arms that reach knees, one hair per pore, hair curling to the right, even teeth, long tongue, bright skin, the hips/buttocks of a lion, connected toes, feet that are “curved up,” a heart which is raised, broad, and muscular, several qualities of the teeth, and a sheathed penis.

Chapter 69 discusses 5 types of “Great Man,” and McGovern singles out one type in particular—the “Bhadra” Great Man—as an obvious parallel of the Buddhist Great Man, as well as the Buddha himself. The Bhadra Great Man is associated with the planet Mercury, or “budha.” He is described as being marked by hairs which grow singly from individual pores (albeit from the head, and not the body, as in the Buddhist list); the penis is “concealed like that of a horse or an elephant” (the Sarvāstivādin version of the 32 Marks in the MĀ also uses the horse simile); his height is equal to his arm span; he has symbols on his hands and feet (including, but not limited to, wheels). Furthermore, he is described as a yogī, and is destined to become a great king. If he has “the proper (bodily) dimensions,” he is destined to become ”Lord of the Whole Earth,” an obvious parallel to the Cakkavatti. This destiny is only possible for the Bhadra Great Man. Interestingly, he is said to live for 80 years—the traditional lifespan of the historical Buddha. The parallels are obvious, and it's hard to imagine this late text was not influenced by the Buddhist doctrine of 32 Marks.

Summary

It seems undeniable that the 32 Marks doctrine found in the Buddhist texts has its roots in a wider trend in Indian culture at the time of the Buddha - a trend concerned with physiognomy which was, in all likelihood, influenced by ancient Mesopotomian forms of divination. Eventually, the Brahmins probably adopted some form of this practice and presented themselves as the (????) of the science, and this possibly explains why the suttas attribute the practice of discerning the 32 Marks to the Brahmins, despite the fact that such a practice does not appear in Brahminical texts until after the Buddha's death.

2. Instances of the 32 Marks Not Corroborated by the Chinese Canon

The Triple Veda Formula

Above, I cited McGovern in pointing out that most instances of the 32 Marks appearing in the suttas occur in the “Triple Veda” formula. When we compare the 11 suttas containing this formula to their counterparts preserved in the Chinese canon, we find that 6 of the 11 texts do not contain any reference to the 32 Marks in the “Three Vedas” formula. The texts where this reference is missing were mostly preserved by the Sarvāstivāda school (there is also a Sanskrit fragment of MN 95 where the marks are missing from the formula), while the ones which mention the marks were preserved by the Dharmaguptakas. Furthermore, McGovern argues that the marks were, most likely, also missing from the Mahāsanghika tradition, because a version of the Triple Veda formula is found in their text called the Mahāvastu, and it also makes no mention of the 32 Marks.

This is important, because the Theravāda and Dharmaguptaka schools are both rooted in the Vibhajjavādin tradition, while the Sarvāstivādin and Mahāsanghika schools aren’t. McGovern uses this fact to make a convincing argument: the 32 Marks were probably introduced to these passages by the Vibhajjavādins some time after the schism with the Sarvāstivādins.

Furthermore, the Sarvāstivādin version of this formula actually mentions four Vedas, which demonstrates that their version was finalized after the Atharva Veda was codified and accepted as part of the Vedas. The Pali Canon only mentions three Vedas: the Rg Veda, the Sāma Veda, and the Yājur Veda. This means that even in the later Sarvāstivādin version, the 32 Marks had not yet been added to the formula, and further demonstrates that their presence in the Triple Veda formula is a Vibhajjavādin innovation.

This fact allows us to dismiss most instances of the 32 Marks in the Pali Canon as late monastic insertions.

Bāvari and the 32 Marks in Sn 5.1

Above, I mentioned Sn 5.1 and the story of Bāvari, the Brahmin who bears 3 of the Great Man's 32 Marks. He sends his students to inspect the body of the Buddha, and the Buddha reveals to the students that he knows which of the marks their teacher has. This story is found in the introductory verses (Vatthugāthā) of the Pārāyanavagga. There are two issues here: first, these introductory verses are not found in the Chinese Canon. Secondly, even within the Pali Canon, these verses stick out as late insertions. As pointed out by Norman, these verses are not commented on in the Niddesa, a commentary which was early enough to be included in the Pali Canon. This suggests these verses - and the presence of the 32 Marks in this chapter - had not yet been introduced to the text (or, at the very least, it was not yet widely accepted). Analayo also mentions the fact that these verses contain the term "lokanātha," which is only found in the Pali Canon's later pieces.

Summary

Textual comparisons between the Pali and Chinese canons allow us to see that most instances of the 32 Marks found in the Pali Canon are not mirrored in the Chinese Canon, suggesting that the Pali tradition was uniquely concerned with the doctrine in a way that other early Buddhist schools (and the pre-sectarian sangha) weren't.

This is not to suggest that the marks do not appear elsewhere in the canons of other schools. They do. In fact, DN 30—a sutta entirely about the 32 Marks—has a Sarvāstivādin counterpart in the Chinese canon, MĀ 59. This demonstrates that the idea was not a unique innovation of the Vibhajjavādin tradition and may well have been present in the pre-sectarian Buddhist canon. Even if this is the case, there are reasons we should scrutinize the doctrine of the 32 Marks and be critical of the role they came to play in Buddhist tradition.

3. Reasons to be critical of the 32 Marks, even if they are pre-sectarian

3a. Instances which suggest the 32 Marks are not literal

A literal reading of the 32 Marks would suggest that the Buddha looked like some sort of superhuman space alien. However, many narratives in the texts convey just the opposite: the Buddha looked quite normal!

MN 26, SN 7.9, and Sn 455 all illustrate that the Buddha was shaven bald, just like his monks. A story preserved in the monastic codes of the Dharmaguptakas, Sarvastivadins, and Theravadins records a time when monks saw the Venerable Nanda (who wouldn't have possessed the 32 Marks) and mistook him for the Buddha himself.

In DN 2, King Ajātasattu is standing among the sangha, and he can’t distinguish the Buddha from the other monks. He has to ask his royal physician, Jīvaka, to point him out. I don’t suppose the king would have needed help finding a man who literally possessed the outlandish qualities of the 32 Marks.

In MN 128, the Buddha enters a park. Mistaking him for a run-of-the-mill wanderer, the park’s groundskeeper stops him, so as to prevent him from disturbing the three monks staying there. One of those monks tells the groundskeeper that this ascetic is, in fact, their teacher. Again, it’s hard to imagine this man mistaking Gautama for some average wanderer if he had a big turban-like lump on the top of his head, arms that hang down to his knees, etc.

In MN 140, we see the story of a time when a monk named Pukkusāti was staying overnight in a potter’s workshop. The Buddha, who had been traveling through Magadha, also stopped and asked to stay the night. The potter said that he didn’t mind, but since he had already offered the space to another wanderer, the Buddha would have to check with him and see if it was okay. Pukkusāti had no objections. What follows in the story is amusing.

This must have taken place at a time when the sangha had grown considerably, because the two had never met one another, despite being part of the same order. The two ended up conversing, and the Buddha asked him whose teaching he followed. Pukkusāti, completely unaware he was speaking with the leader of his order, replied: “there is a Sakyan man named Gautama—I’ve gone forth in his name.” The Buddha, without yet revealing his identity, begins to deliver a sermon to the monk. It isn’t until the Buddha has finished speaking that the monk realizes the founder of his order has been in front of him this whole time! Surely, if the Buddha looked how he’s described with the 32 Marks, Pukkusāti would have recognized right away that the alien-looking man staying in the workshop with him was the one and only Mahāpurisa leader of his mendicant order!

The commentary on this sutta (MA 5:46) offers an explanation which I don’t find terribly convincing: it claims the Buddha was able to conceal these marks using his mental powers, and for some reason, he did this when he met Pukkusāti. This, like Buddhaghosa’s story about “the Buddha-Mantras” being inserted into the Vedas by gods, seems like an uncritical attempt to explain an apparent inconsistency.

With all of these examples, it's reasonable to conclude that the Buddha's physical appearance was not as remarkable as the 32 Marks might suggest. However, it's worth acknowledging that the early texts do present the marks as subtle qualities which require special education (ie, Brahmin cosmology) to be able to detect. How is it that such garish and visually striking qualities could be subtle and go unseen to the untrained eye? Well, as mentioned above, the traditional explanation is that the Buddha could conceal these marks when he wished. However, Bhikku Anālayo raises what might be the simplest explanation for this apparent contradiction: the marks are symbolic, not literal.

3b. The Symbolism of the 32 Marks

Bhikku Anālayo uses DN 30 to discuss the symbolism inherent in the descriptions of the Buddha's physical features. He points to the description of the Buddha's body as bearing the proportions of a banyan tree (his height equalling his arm-span), and how this directly contradicts one of the other marks: the Buddha is also described as having arms which reach down to the knees. Of course, this is not a problem if we understand these marks as symbolic. Anālayo cites Wimalaratana, saying that Brahmin literature uses long arms to signify heroism in leaders.

His legs are described as being like those of an antelope, an animal known for being swift. This mark is the result of having quickly learned something skillful and striving to teach others in a way which would allow them to learn quickly as well. It results in the swift attainment of qualities appropriate for an enlightened teacher.

Two of the marks rely on the lion motif, a popular feature of Indian culture throughout history. His "lion-like" jaws symbolize the Buddha's "lion's roar," a theme in the suttas used to portray the Buddha confidently teaching what is true in the faces of naysayers. This mark is the result of having refrained from unskillful speech, and instead engaging only in wholesome speech. The ferocity of the lion manifests in the claim that this mark signifies that the Buddha cannot be overcome by any hostile force. Two other marks involve the Buddha's speech, and understandably, are also related to the mouth: the long tongue, and the "voice like a cuckoo bird."

The Buddha's teeth are evenly-spaced, with no gaps. This is the result of abstaining from divisive speech, and results in a base of followers which are not divided. His "turban-shaped head" - the turban being a symbol of a king's leadership - is the result of having led others in wholesome behavior and results in having loyal followers. His long digits represent longevity of life, being the kammic result of abstaining from harming living things and signifying an inability to be killed prematurely. His skin is so smooth that dust cannot settle on his body - in the suttas, ridding oneself of dust is a metaphor for stream-entry (the first stage of arahantship) and the eventual cessation of kamma.

Anālayo discusses more marks in this context, but I have chosen a sample size which I think conveys the point pretty well. Most of the marks have an obviously symbolic significance, and it's reasonable to think that - if the 32 Marks were part of the earliest Buddhist doctrine - this symbolic dimension, and not the literal physical descriptions of these features, was the primary concern.

3c. The evolution of the 32 Marks evident through textual comparison

Drawing primarily, once again, from the work of Bhikku Anālayo, we may explore the evolution of the 32 Marks across Buddhist traditions. A quick point to get out of the way before diving in: the Chinese canon often adds "80 Minor Marks" to the standard list of 32 Marks, and these additions are unknown in the Pali Canon. This establishes the basic point that the 32 Marks were steadily evolving throughout the preservation of Buddhist texts carried out by various post-sectarian traditions.

Digging into the texts reveals an increasingly visual emphasis in stories involving the 32 Marks, which Anālayo argues is a result of later art motifs being added to earlier textual accounts. He first demonstrates this point using parallel texts concerning a Brahmin named Dona (Drona in Sanskrit). These stories show the gradual evolution of the wheel-mark said to have been on the Buddha's feet.

All of the versions of this story involve the Brahmin Dona finding a footprint on the ground left by the Buddha, and being so impressed that he seeks out the being it belongs to. Upon meeting the Buddha, he asks him if he is a human, a god, or some other being. The qualities of the footprint which so move Dona differ from one version to the next and show a gradual process of elaboration.

We can look at five different versions of this text:
1. Ekottarika Āgama 38.3 (Chinese; the sect responsible for this version is a matter of debate)
2. Samyukta Āgama 267, (Chinese, from a partially-preserved collection of the SĀ; the sect responsible for this version is also a matter of debate)
3. Samyukta Āgama 101 (Chinese, from the completely-preserved SĀ collection; likely from the Mūlasarvāstivāda tradition)
4. Anguttara Nikāya 4.36 (Pali; preserved by the Theravāda tradition)
5. A fragment in the Gāndhārī language (probably from the Dharmaguptaka tradition)

Version 1 (EĀ 38.3) describes the footprint simply as "sublime." It is not described with any supernatural qualities or things which would be associated with the 32 Marks - despite its exceptional quality, it's simply a really impressive footprint (whatever that means).

Version 2 (SĀ 267) marks a point where the doctrine of the 32 Marks had been incorporated into this story. Here, the footprint is described as bearing the mark of the 1,000-spoked wheel. Version 3 (SĀ 101) adds a rim to the wheel, and Version 4 (AN 4.36) adds a hub in addition to a rim. Version 4, the Gāndhārī fragment, is incomplete (being a fragment and all...), but Anālayo suggests it likely contained the rim and hub, and it definitely adds a description of the mark being "radiant" or "brilliant," shining with light.

There is a clear evolution of the imagery which can be tracked through these texts, and it's no coincidence that it corresponds to the evolution of Buddhist iconography. Early aniconic symbols of the Buddha utilize a bare footprint, or sometimes feature a simple wheel-mark. This served as a representation of the Buddha in art after his death. As the tradition developed, this motif grew more and more elaborate. The textual description of the Cakkavatti's "Wheel-Treasure" (discussed in the section on the Cakkavatti later on this page) inspired the addition of the 1,000 spoked wheel to the footprint, and this artistic development seems to have influenced later versions of texts concerning the Buddha's feet.

Anālayo points to other possible examples of artistic influence on the texts to support this idea. For example, the description of the Buddha's webbed digits could be a result of statues having digits which were welded together to prevent them from snapping off. He also discusses the "turban-shaped head," which was usually depicted in art as a royal top-knot, sometimes with some kind of bump. Throughout Indian art, gods and holy men alike were depicted with such a hairstyle, usually with no concern for authentically reproducing a figure's likeness. For example, Jain art depicts their holy figures with the top-knot, despite Jains being renowned - much like their Buddhist contemporaries, including the Buddha himself - for being bald.

We can also see evidence of the tradition wrestling with the problematic implications this development introduced to the canon. The Pali commentary for the Anguttara Nikāya questions how the Buddha's "soft and tender feet" (as described by one of the 32 Marks) could leave such a striking imprint on the ground, and expresses confusion as to how this sort of happening wasn't recorded in any other instances. It reaches the conclusion that the Buddha, once again, can display or conceal the wondrous effects of his marks at will. As Analāyo points out, this simply isn't an issue if we accept that the oldest version of this story was simply about a striking, but otherwise natural, footprint.

We can see this evolution in another story involving the Buddha's footprint. This story recounts a time when the Buddha visited the Heavenly Realm of the 33 Gods for an extended period of time, and later returned to our realm. SĀ 506 and versions from both the Sanskrit and Tibetan Avadānashataka simply say that the Buddha came down from the heavenly realm and specify where he descended upon his return.

Later versions of the text introduce three flights of stairs, with the Buddha descending down the middle flight, flanked on either side by Brahmā and Sakka. EĀ 36.5 says Sakka ordered these stairs to be built so that the Buddha could descend back to Earth easily, without utilizing his mental powers. According to the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya, Sakka asks the Buddha whether he would like to return on foot, or with his mental powers. He chooses to return on foot, so Sakka has the stairs built. However, the Buddha realizes that naysayers may accuse him of having lost his mental powers, so he descends halfway down the stairs supernaturally, and on foot the rest of the way.

Once again, turning to developments in Indian art allows us to explain this evolution. This story became a popular scene in Buddhist art, and was usually represented symbollically with an aniconic motif of footprints on a flight of stairs. This symbol became absorbed into later versions of the text as a literal event, and once again, we can see evidence of the tradition wrestling with the implications of this development: the Mūlasarvāstivādins, in their monastic code, attempted to explain why the Buddha would use a flight of stairs when he is commonly described elsewhere in the texts as simply appearing and disappearing to and from the various realms "as easily as one might flex one's arm" (a common phrase used to describe how effortlessly the Buddha, advanced monks, or gods are able to travel throughout the realms).

Likewise, different versions of stories regarding the conversion of individuals who meet the Buddha demonstrate a growing importance of the 32 Marks in the tradition. One such story involves Ratthapāla, a young man who wishes to join the Buddha's order after meeting him. The versions of this story can be classified into two different groups: the first group (composed of Sanskrit fragments, MN 82 from the Pali Canon, 3 Chinese parallels, and a Tibetan citation of the found in the Bhaisajyavastu from the Mūlasarvāstivāda Vinaya) describes how the boy became inspired after hearing the Buddha preach.

The second group (made up of Chinese, Sanskrit, and Tibetan versions of the Avadānashataka) emphasizes the influence of the Buddha's striking physical appearance. The Chinese version introduces the 32 Marks and 80 Minor Marks, immediately betraying this version as later than the one preserved in Pali. Ratthapāla is said to be filled with joy upon seeing these features on the Buddha's body. The Sanskrit and Tibetan versions are even more dramatic, proclaiming that the boy requested to ordain as a monk before having even heard the Buddha preach - merely seeing his body was enough to inspire him to renounce his former life.

This evolution of the Buddha's physical appearance replacing the actual act of teaching is also seen across versions of the story of Simha's conversion. Versions of this story preserved in AN 8.12, as well as the Theravāda, Dharmaguptaka, and Mahīshāsaka Vinayas agree that Simha became a "stream-enterer" (the first stage towards becoming an arahant) after ordaining and receiving a direct teaching from the Buddha. The version found in the EĀ, however, introduces the importance of Simha beholding the sight of the Buddha's body. That this version is of late origin is made evident by the Buddha praising Simha for giving charitabily "with the impartiality of a bodhisattva," a statement which wouldn't have made sense with the earliest understanding of the term "bodhisatta" found in the Pali Canon.

In this version, it is understood that Simha has met the Buddha before, and he is described as having "looked at the Blessed One intently." A closing passage, which seems to be an even later addendum to an already late text, the Buddha speaks to the monks following Simha's departure, telling them that Simha was able to attain the mental power of the "Dharma-eye" because of reflecting on impartial giving as well as having looking at the Buddha's body from head-to-toe.

It is also worth briefly mentioning the story of Subha the nun, found in the Therīgatha (a collection of poetic verses written by enlightened nuns), as well as its commentary. In this story, a man sees her, finds her eyes attractive, and begins pestering her. She plucks out one of her eyes and hands it to him - this immediately turns the man off and he apologizes for being a creep. When she next sees the Buddha, the mere sight of him (and his 32 marks) regenerates her missing eye. The 32 Marks had become so important in Buddhist narratives that they were now imbued with healing powers!

Finally, by looking at the different versions of two different texts, we may see how the marks took on a uniquely Buddhist identity as they developed. First, let us look at the different versions of the Lakkhana Sutta, the Sermon on the Marks. The two relevant versions are the Pali version (DN 30) and the Chinese parallel (MĀ 59). Both versions feature the Buddha discussing the 32 Marks with his monks, and record him reciting the full list of marks and contextualizing them within the legend of the Mahāpurisa's two destinies. The Pali Version features lengthy addendums explaining the kammic importance of the different marks - which actions from past lives caused them, and what sort of fortune they portend in the present life.

The Pali version is obviously later, as evidenced by its mismatched poetic metres which are found in verses not paralleled in the Chinese version. Even the Pali commentary acknowledges this, attributing the verses to Ānanda. These additions resulted in a text that is considerably longer than its Chinese counterpart, filled with many corrupt readings. It's possible this explication has its origins in a commentarial text which became absorbed into the sermon itself in the Pali Canon. Evidence for this possibility lies in the fact that the Buddha's "well-planted" feet are also described as "touching the ground with the entire sole," an explanation which is distinctly commentarial and not usually found in proper suttas which make mention of the marks. Analāyo points out that this elaboration of the Buddha's "well-planted feet" likely demonstrates yet another artistic influence, because the wheel-mark was typically illustrated in the center of the foot, which - when taken as a literal depiction of the Buddha's footprint- would imply the Buddha's feet were flat.

Analāyo argues that this addition of kammic significance to the 32 Marks utilizes a theme found throughout other suttas: identifying the kammic relationship between past actions and one's present conditions. DN 30 provides a window into a point of the tradition's development when the 32 Marks had taken on a distinctly Buddhist character.

Similarly, comparing the different tellings of the story of Vipassī Buddha allows us to see the marks gradually evolving into a fully-integrated part of a Buddha's identity, along with an increasingly visual nature of the text. To begin, it should be said that all versions of this text seem to be late - the list of multiple Buddhas, for example, shows influence from Vedic and Jain hagiographies of sage heroes.

All versions of this text involve the Buddha discussing past Buddhas with a group of monks, specifically using one named Vipassī Buddha as a template to demonstrate various events which are "dharmatā," which can be translated as something to the effect of "cosmic law." Things which are "dharmatā" occur time and time again throughout the cycles of time, and the story of this Buddha is used to demonstrate which sorts of things in the life of a Buddha occur because of this cyclical cosmic law.

An individual Chinese parallel (not part of a larger collection) offers no details on the 32 Marks. The Pali version (DN 14) and the version preserved in the Chinese Dirgha Āgama (DĀ 1 from the Dharmaguptaka sect) both mention the marks in more detail, with the Chinese version especially being the most elaborate in terms of visual imagery. This suggests an especially late period of finalization, but even then, the marks are not described as "dharmatā." This suggests that, although someone born with the marks will necessarily have the potential to become a Buddha, a Buddha need not have been born with the marks. In other words, at this stage of development, the marks were not yet an indispensible part of a Buddha's identity.

A fragmentary Sanskrit copy from a Mūlasarvāstivāda collection, however, explicitly includes the 32 Marks as "dharmatā," meaning that - according to this version - possession of the marks is an inevitable part of Buddhahood, and every Buddha in every aeon necessarily possesses the marks. This is almost certainly a sign of this version's lateness and reflects a point in time where the doctrine of the 32 Marks had become a key part of of a Buddha's identity. Analāyo argues that we may also conclude this version is late because the name of Vipassī's father is classified as dharmatā as well. This implies that the father of a Buddha in any given aeon is named Bandhumatī, something which all versions of the text contradict in their discussions of the families of the past Buddhas. This textual corruption - likely the result of the oral tradition accidentally extending the recitation formula of "this is dharmatā" beyond where it was originally meant to stop - betrays the Sanskrit version as being later.

As mentioned above, the Chinese version incorporates motifs from art. It describes Vipassī's feet as "radiant," which is usually a tell-tale sign of late development (like in the example of the story of Dona's conversion). When discussing Vipassī's birth, the text makes multiple references to details which were also featured commonly in artistic depictions of Gautama's birth - a focus on the mother's right side (from where the baby is said to emerge, instead of from the vagina), a description of her grasping a tree limb for support during the birth, and the presence of four gods.

Comparing these versions allows us to track developments in the idea of the 32 Marks. The individual Chinese version does not seem terribly concerned with the 32 Marks. The Pali version seems to afford more gravity to them, while the Dharmaguptaka version preserved in the Chinese Dirgha Āgama indulges in more detailed descriptions and incorporates more visual elements in its passages, drawing on art motifs as many late texts seem to do. The Sanskrit version from the Mūlasarvāstivāda sect explicitly claims that the 32 Marks are necessarily possessed by a Buddha, and that this is a "cosmic law."

Summary

To conclude this section, let's summarize: textual comparison demonstrates that the idea of the 32 Marks was changing dramatically throughout the development of the Buddhist tradition. In the story of Dona's conversion, we see the introduction of the 32 Marks to a story which, at one point, did not feature them. As time went on, the descriptions of these marks became more elaborate, likely as a result of influence from trends in aniconic art being interpreted literally and being reintroduced into later versions of the texts. As the marks became more important in Buddhism, they morphed from heavily symbolic portents of Buddhahood, only perceptible by trained Brahmins, into literal descriptions of the Buddha's apparent features which could be seen by average laymen. Their narrative function as a means of inspiring Brahmins to convert expands to any potential person who sees the Buddha's body. As time went on, the 32 Marks became central to the identity of a Buddha, and they took on an importance in the later tradition which wasn't there in the early tradition.

3d. The primary function of the 32 Marks in the suttas is a late innovation

Finally, returning to the work of Nathan McGovern, we may analyze the 32 Marks in the context of what both McGovern and Anālayo have identified as their "primary function": a narrative tool used in meetings between the Buddha and Brahmin skeptics. Much of this information will be repeated from the earlier section, this time with a focus on critical analysis.

Three suttas in particular utilize this narrative tool by telling stories of Brahmins inspecting the Buddha's body for the 32 Marks. However, these stories rely on three earlier formulas to construct the theme of Brahmins surveying the Buddha's body. Let's quickly analyze the three formulas and then the greater theme which builds on these.

i. The Triple Veda Formula

Instances of this formula make up the majority of the Pali Canon's references to the 32 Marks. Again, it goes like this:

11 suttas use this formula: DN 3, DN 4, DN 5, MN 91, MN 92/Sn 3.7, MN 93, MN 95, MN 100, AN 3.58, AN 3.59, and AN 5.192.

The formula is used in 3 different ways in these stories:
1. Introducing a Brahmin who will meet the Buddha in a sermon's narrative framing [DN 3, MN 91, MN 92/Sn 3.7, MN 93, MN 100]
2. Skeptical Brahmins trying to persuade a curious Brahmin who plans to visit the Buddha that doing so would be disgraceful [DN 4, DN 5, MN 95]
3. A Brahmin proclaiming to the Buddha that Brahmins are great, in part, because of their mastery of "The Threefold Knowledge," or the Three Vedas, along with the five related sciences.

When we compare different versions of these texts, we find something interesting: 6 of the 11 suttas have parallel texts in the Chinese Canon which do not mention the 32 Marks [MN 91, MN 92/Sn 3.7, MN 93, AN 3.58, AN 3.59, AN 5.192]. Furthermore, MN 95 and MN 100 have no parallels in the Chinese Canon. Altogether, this means that a grand total of 8 out of the 11 instances of the 32 Marks in the Triple Veda formula are not corroborated by the Chinese Canon. This is important because, as previously established, this formula makes up the majority of instances where the 32 Marks are mentioned in the Pali Canon. If we have reason to suspect the 32 Marks were added to this formula after a sectarian split in the Buddhist sangha, we must question the role the marks played in the early Buddhist texts.

McGovern raises a few insightful points regarding this issue. First, when we compare the versions of this formula which appear in both the Pali Canon and the Chinese Canon, we find two broad classifications: those that state the Brahmins possess knowledge of three Vedas (as preserved by the Theravāda school in Pali, and the Dharmaguptaka version, preserved in Chinese), and those that state the Brahmins possess knowledge of four Vedas (from the Sarvāstivāda version, preserved in Chinese). The versions of the formula found in the latter group do not mention the 32 Marks.

The former group must be the oldest, since they record a snapshot in time when the 4th Veda - the Atharva Veda - had not been widely accepted as part of the Vedic texts. However, it is unlikely that the later texts from the Sarvāstivāda sect (which acknowledge the Atharva Veda as canonical) were edited to remove any mention of the 32 Marks, because a Sanskrit version of MN 95 also makes no mention of the marks. This implies that, while the Triple Veda formula has older roots than the versions of the formula which mention Four Vedas, the Triple Veda formula was actually edited to include the 32 Marks at some relatively late point.

McGovern points out that the Mahāsanghikas seem to have preserved a version of the formula which also makes no mention of the marks, as found in the Mahāvastu. All of this evidence points to the likelihood that the 32 Marks were injected into these texts from within the Vibhajjavādin tradition (to which the Theravāda and Dharmaguptaka sects belong) at some point after the Buddhist sangha had begun to fracture into sects.

ii. The Fame of Gautama Formula

This formula involves people spreading word about Gautama visiting the area, and discussing his reputation as a fully-enlightened teacher. It appears in 28 texts of the Pali Canon, with some of these appearances being an abbreviated version. Snippets of this passage also appear in a wide range of texts. 23 of the 28 texts involve a meeting between the Buddha and a Brahmin. However, only 6 of the texts 28 mention the 32 Marks: DN 3-5, MN 91-92, and MN 95.

McGovern points out how remarkable this is. The 32 Marks are explicitly associated with Brahmins in the texts, but in the Fame of Gautama formula - which is almost always used as a narrative device to set up a Brahmin's interest in visiting the Buddha - the overwhelming majority of the texts don't bother to mention the marks at all. Even in the texts which do mention the 32 Marks, the formula itself neglects to mention them. Instead, these suttas reference the 32 Marks by way of the Triple Veda formula - which, as we discussed above, is almost certainly a late innovation.

iii. The Two Paths Formula

McGovern argues that the three suttas which feature the greater theme of Brahmins surveying the Buddha's body utilized the two above formulas - which, as we have established, originally had nothing to do with the 32 Marks - and added a new formula about the two possible destinies of a Mahāpurisa in order to tie the ideas of the Great Man and his marks into these narratives.

The formula states that someone born with the 32 Marks has one of two possible destinies: if they remain a householder, they will become a Cakkavatti, a "Wheel-Turning" King. If they embrace the life of a holy wanderer, they will become a fully-enlightened Buddha.

The formula only appears in five suttas, three of which are the suttas which include the stories of Brahmins inspecting the Buddha's body (DN 3, MN 91, MN 92). The other two are DN 14, which features the legend of Vipassī Buddha, whose infant body is inspected by Brahmin soothsayers. DN 30 tells of the kammic significance of the 32 Marks.

We have already established evidence for believing that DN 14 and DN 30 have a relatively late date of origin.

The Greater Theme: Brahmins inspecting the Buddha's body

The other three suttas (DN 3, MN 91, and MN 92) also appear to be late, since they rely on two earlier formulas which originally had nothing to do with the 32 Marks. They also seem to feature a third formula which was introduced to these texts merely as a narrative device to raise the topic of the 32 Marks, facilitating an opportunity for Brahmins to confirm the authenticty of the Buddha. McGovern claims that this theme was inspired by the earlier theme of Brahmins seeking out the Buddha after hearing about his reputation through the "Fame of Gautama" formula, and that this later theme, in turn, inspired the Vibhajjavādin tradition to add an addendum to the Triple Knowledge formula.

Summary

In the Pali Canon, the 32 Marks most often appear in narrative stories featuring meetings between the Buddha and one or more Brahmins. In the overwhelming majority of these instances, there is substantial evidence that the incorporation of the 32 Marks in these stories is a late innovation - a fact betrayed either by the absence of parallels in the Chinese canon, or by the text's reliance on pre-existing formulas which originally had nothing to do with the 32 Marks. In other words, most of the instances of the 32 Marks in the Pali Canon are likely inauthentic and not reflective of what the Buddha taught.

Analysis of the 32 Marks: Summary

Let's recap.
1. Despite the fact that the suttas attribute the 32 Marks to the Brahmins, they seem to be the product of a pan-Indian tradition rooted in Babylonian divination. It should not be surprising to see such an idea expressed in the Buddhist texts, given how influential this sort of physiognomy had become in Indian culture.
2. Most instances of the 32 Marks found in the Pali Canon are not mirrored in the Chinese Canon. This points to a post-sectarian origin for most passages concerned with the 32 Marks.
3. Even in instances where the 32 Marks can be found in both canons, there are reasons to be critical of the doctrine's authenticty.
3a. The marks, interpreted literally, contradict many accounts of the Buddha's appearance.
3b. The marks have a significant symbolic dimension, drawing on metaphors and similies and aspects of Indian culture which possibly weren't meant to be understood as literal descriptions of the Buddha's material body.
3c. Textual comparison reveals a dramatic degree of doctrinal evolution. This evolution likely reflects the influence of later aniconic depictions of the Buddha, which featured imagery inspired by the texts to symbolically represent things from the suttas. These depictions became reabsorbed into later versions of the texts as literal qualities. Throughout this evolution, the 32 Marks changed from a relatively minor idea to an indispensible part of a Buddha's identity.
4. The primary purpose of the 32 Marks in the suttas - a textual tool used to situate a sermon from the Buddha into a narrative framework involving Brahmins - is probably the result of a post-sectarian innovation following the split between the Vibhajjavādin and Sarvāstivādin traditions.

The Cakkavatti

Formulaic Description of the Wheel-Turning King

If [the Mahāpurisa] remains a householder, he will become a king - a Wheel-Turner, a just and principled ruler. His dominion will extend in all four directions, and he will achieve stability in the realm. He will possess the seven treasures. He will have over 1,000 valiant sons who will crush the armies of his enemies. After he has conquered this land surrounded by the seas, he will reign by Dhamma, without resorting to the rod or the sword.¹¹

The Duties of a Cakkavatti (from DN 26)

A Cakkavatti is required to perform the following duties, all while "honoring, respecting, and venerating Dhamma."
i. Providing protection and security for all living beings in the realm - including animals.
ii. Preventing injustice.
iii. Paying money to the poor.
iv. Consulting holy men from time to time for spiritual advice.

This isn't included as part of the list, but a Cakkavatti is also expected to renounce worldly pleasures at the end of his life - he should give up the throne, shave, don the robes of a renunicant, and live the remainder of his days as a holy man.

The Seven Treasures (from DN 17)

If a Cakkavatti fulfills the duties above, he is said to begin receiving seven "treasures" after observing a 15th-day uposatha. "Uposatha" was a word used for holy days in various traditions from the Buddha's time, and in Buddhism refers to days on the lunar calendar which involve more rigorous practice observed by monastics and layfolks alike. Lay followers temporarily adopt more precepts, allowing them to "emulate the arahants" for a day (as described in the Muluposatha Sutta). Monks gather and confess if they have violated any of the monastic codes, then perform a communal recital of the monastic rules.

The List of Treasures

i. The Wheel-Treasure

The first to appear is the Wheel-Treasure. It is described as a heavenly wheel with 1,000 spokes. It appears in the royal palace after the king observes uposatha, and essentially marks his ascension from a king to a Cakkavatti. This is important - the title of Cakkavatti is not hereditary. One is only able to become a Wheel-Turning King by perfecting ethical conduct. It disappears near the end of a Cakkavatti's reign, and only reappears if his successor performs "the duties of a Cakkavatti" (discussed below).

After it appears, the king sprinkles it with water from a ceremonial vase, and tells it to "roll forth and triumph." It rolls first to the East, and the king follows with his army in tow. Wherever it stops, opposing rulers submit as vassals to the Cakkavatti and request instruction. The king then tells them to observe moral guidelines which make up the five precepts for Buddhist layfolk:
1. Abstain from killing
2. Abstain from stealing
3. Abstain from sexual misconduct
4. Abstain from lying
5. Abstain from intoxication
Additionally, the king tells them not to raise taxes in the realms they oversee.

The wheel then rolls to the Eastern sea, plunges into the ocean, and reemerges. This process repeats for the southern, western, and northen directions. When this has been completed, the Cakkavatti has secured control of "all this land surrounded by the seas," and the wheel returns to the royal capital, where it stands still at the gate to the king's palace, "as if fixed to an axle, illuminating the royal compound."

ii. The Elephant-Treasure

Next, a "king of all elephants" appears to the Cakkavatti. It is described as all-white, a "sky-walker," capable of performing mental powers (iddhis). It "touches the ground in seven places," and is named "Uposatho" (which is a form of the word "uposatha," meantioned above, so it may be translated as "Sabbath").

It readily submits to taming, and the king tests the elephant by mounting it in the morning and traveling across the newly-conquered realm. He is able to return to the capital in time for breakfast.

iii. The Horse-Treasure

Next comes the "Horse-Treasure," an white steed, also a "sky-walker," also capable of performing mental powers. It has a "crow-black" head, which Walshe comments may refer to the shape of the horse's head moreso than its color. It has a mane like "woven reeds." Its name is "Valāhaka," or "Thundercloud."

Like the elephant, it submits to training, and the king tours the realm in the morning and returns in time for breakfast.

iv. The Jewel-Treasure

The "Jewel-Treasure" is a beautiful beryl gem, described as "eight-faceted, well-worked, transparent, clear, and unclouded." It emits a light so radiant that it spreads for "a league." The king tests it by mobilizing his army, fixing the jewel to a banner, and marching in the dark of night. Its light is so bright that villagers mistake it for daylight, and get out of bed to prepare for work.

v. The Wife-Treasure

Look, the idea that a woman magically appears to a holy king as part of his supernatural possessions is problematic to modern audiences, to say the least. As I've said in similar contexts before, these are ancient texts and we can't expect them to conform to modern sensibilities. For what it's worth, Walshe and Rhys-Davids note that this is a stock description of a culturally ideal woman and that the Buddha quoting it to the elderly Ānanda in DN 17 (the Mahāsudassana Sutta) is meant to be humorous.

Next, the "Wife-Treasure" appears to the king. She is described as possessing beauty which surpasses human standards, falling just short of divine beauty. Part of this description involves establishing that she is "neither too tall, nor too short; not too thin, nor too fat; not too dark-skinned, nor too light-skinned. Again... this is an old text...

She has a touch "like a tuft of cotton." When it's cool, her limbs are warm, and when it's warm, her limbs are cool. Her body naturally smells of sandalwood, and her breath naturally smells of lotus. She wakes up before the king, and retires to bed after him. She obliges him, behaving and speaking politely. Old, antiquated text...!

She does not betray the king, even with her thoughts, much less by her actions.

vi. The Householder-Treasure (or: the Treasurer-Treasure)

A householder also appears before the king, and he joins the king's service as a royal treasurer. He has the iddhi of the "Divine Eye" because of his past kamma, enabling him to see hidden treasurers, "both owned and ownerless." He ensures the king he will handle the royal treasury, and the king tests him by bringing him on a boat and sailing to the middle of the Ganges river. He tells the treasurer to find gold coins and bullion. The treasurer says "Very well - I need you draw the boat to the shore." The king clarifies, "No, I need the gold here." The treasurer says "Very well," and dips his hands into the water, immediately pulling up a handful of valuables. "Is this enough?" he asks - he passes the test.

vii. The Counselor-Treasure

Finally, there is the "Counselor-Treasure," a man described as "astute, competent, intelligent, and capable of convincing the king to appoint those who should be appointed; to dismiss those who should be dismissed; and retain those who should be retained." He ensures the king that he will issue proper instructions.

The Four Blessings (from DN 17)

The Cakkavatti is also said to possess four blessings, called "iddhis" in the text, but these are not to be understood as being the same type of thing as the "mental power" iddhis which monks gain through samādhi.

i. He is attractive.
ii. He is long-lived.
iii. He is rarely ill - his stomach digests well, and is neither too hot nor too cold.¹²
iv. He is dear and beloved to Brahmins and householders alike, as a father is to his children; likewise, his subjects are as dear to him as children are to a father.

Regarding this last point, there is a cute story the Buddha includes to illustrate the idea: once, while a Cakkavatti was travelling with his army through a park, the people called out "Slow down, Your Majesty, and let us lay eyes on you for a bit longer!" The king was likewise delighted, and ordered his charioteer to slow down, so that he could also gaze lovingly at his subjects.

In the Suttas

The Importance of the Cakkavatti's Duties - Cosmology and Socio-Economics

In DN 26 (the Cakkavatti-Sihanāda Sutta), we see the importance of the Cakkavatti's duties - if a king neglects these responsibilities, failing to rule by principle, society itself collapses!

In this sutta, the Buddha tells the story of King Dalhanemi, a Cakkavatti from another age. After having ruled for hundreds and thousands of years, Dalhanemi said to someone in his employ, "When you see that the Wheel-Treasure has moved from its resting-place, let me know." After having ruled for hundreds and thousands of years more, the day came when the Wheel-Treasure moved. The man alerted the king.

The king called for his oldest son, the crown prince, and told him what had happened. "This is an augury of approaching death," he informed his son, "and the time has come for me to seek heavenly pleasures - the throne belongs to you." He shaved his head, put on the robes of a renunciant, and left the worldly life behind. Seven days later, the Wheel-Treasure vanished. The newly-crowned king was informed of its disappearance, and he grieved. He sought the counsel of a royal sage.

"Do not grieve, Your Majesty," said the sage. "The Wheel-Treasure is not a mere heirloom. You must make yourself a Noble Wheel-Turner. If you perform the duties of a Cakkavatti, and observe the 15th day uposatha, it will reappear to you." He did as he was advised, and the Wheel-Treasure reappeared to him, marking his ascent to a true Cakkavatti. The next seven kings in the line of succession followed suit, diligently fulfilling their responsibilities. The 8th king in this line, however, neglected these duties; instead, he ruled according to his own misguided ideas.

As a result of this, his realm ceased to prosper. The king's men warned him that he should rule according to the conduct of his forefathers. Even after this, the king neglected one duty in particular: he did not ensure that the needy were provided with money and property. As a result of this poverty and material insecurity, crime began to occur throughout the realm. One man was arrested for stealing, and the king tried to patch up the issue by granting this one man property. However, it was too little too late - the rampant poverty had already set things in motion, and more and more people resorted to thievery in hopes of being treated like that first thief.

Eventually, the king felt humiliated and frustrated at the way things were going, and he resorted to executing one of these thieves. The people now turned to violence, and took what they lacked by force. Chaos ensued. This marked the onset of a sort of "dark age" in Buddhist cosmology, where the immorality of the age leads to increasingly worse conditions as humanity declines. Over this long period, the lifespans of humans fell from 80,000 years down to just 100 years. Each point of decline was marked with a new form of immorality becoming widespread, beginning with thievery, and followed by lying; malicious speech; sexual misconduct; harsh speech and wasteful chatter; covetousness and hatred; false opinions; incest, greed, and "deviant practices"¹³; and disrespect for one's parents, holy men, and the head of one's clan.

This point where the human lifespan fell to roughly a century marks the current period in which we now live, and the sutta shifts from being a legendary history to a sort of prophecy. The Buddha reiterates that this dramatic decline was a result of the king neglecting to pay money to the needy, and continues describing the gradual degredation of humanity.

In the final period, human lifespans are a mere decade, and girls are married at just 5 years old. The flavors of ghee, butter, sesame-oil, molasses, and salt will be lost, and instead, the primary source of food will be a bland grain. Several forms of evil will become dominant: ignorance of what conduct is skillful, to the degree that even the word "skillful" is forgotten; disrespect for one's parents, holy men, and the head of one's clan; promiscuity with no distinguishing between proper and improper partners (people lying with their mothers, aunts, the wives of others, etc.); fierce anger and thoughts of killing, with mothers and children seeing one another as hunters see beasts; and finally, this all culminates in what the text calls a "sword interval" of seven days.

In this sword interval, people will see each other as wild beasts. They will find themselves holding sharp swords, and they'll all begin slaying one another. A small number of people, still in their right minds, will decide that they will neither be killers nor victims. They will resolve to hide out in the wilderness, living on foraged roots and fruits. After the carnage ends, they re-emerge from the wilderness and rejoice. Considering how best to go forward, they realize that the spread of immorality is what led to the collapse of society - as such, they determine they should adopt moral conduct in order to rebuild. Slowly, period-by-period, they reverse the process of decline by adopting the opposite of the successive immoral behaviors, and accordingly, lifespans slowly increase and conditions slowly improve. Eventually, humans will once more live to be 80,000 years old. Once more, girls will marry at 500 years old; only three "diseases" will be known: greed, fasting, and old age (meaning: people only die due to excessive or unhealthy diets and natural aging); the land prospers, with villages and cities being built close together, "as thick with people as are jungles with reeds".

Eventually, a king named Sankha is born, and he proves to be a noble Cakkavatti. In this age, a Buddha will also be born, named Metteyya. He will reveal the Dhamma in that new age, just as Gautama did in ours. At the end of his reign, King Sankha will leave the worldly life behind, and join Metteyya's order of monks, meditating in solitude until he attains enlightenment.

Parallels Between the Buddha and a Cakkavatti

The Buddha's Past Lives as Cakkavattis

In two suttas - DN 17 and MN 83 - we see the Buddha recounting past lives where he lived as a Cakkavatti. DN 17 (the Mahāsudassana Sutta) tells the story of the Buddha and Ānanda stopping to rest in Upavattana, a forest in the territory of one of the two Mallaka republics, whose capital was the nearby city of Kusinārā. The Buddha was near the end of his life, and Ānanda seemed troubled by the thought of the Buddha dying in such a lowly place, and tried to convince him to travel to a more esteemed city before dying. "Ānanda," the Buddha said, "do not speak this way. Once, long ago..."

The sutta continues with the Buddha telling Ānanda the story of King Mahāsudassana and his capital city of Kusāvatī, which existed where Kusinārā now stood. At the end of the story the Buddha revealed that he was King Mahāsudassana in a past life, and that he had died in the forest now called Upavattana in seven past lives, with the seventh time being Mahāsudassana's death.

Similarly, in MN 83 (the Maghādeva Sutta), the Buddha and Ānanda were staying in the Maghādeva Mango Grove near Mithilā, the capital of Videha. Ānanda noticed the Buddha looking at a certain spot and smiling to himself. Curious, Ānanda asked what was making the Buddha smile. He responded by telling Ānanda the story of King Maghādeva, a noble Cakkavatti whose capital city stood in the city they knew as Mithilā. He also discussed the lineage of 84,000 successors, culminating in the last of the noble kings, Nimi, who was succeeded by his son Kalārajanaka. Kaḷārajanaka neglected to embrace the holy life, and broke the line of noble kings. The Buddha, again, revealed that he lived as King Maghādeva in a past life.

The Cakkavatti as a Metaphor for Buddhist Leadership

In addition to the Buddha literally living as a Cakkavatti in past lives, there are instances of the idea of a Cakkavatti being used to demonstrate the powerful qualities of the Buddha and his disciples. DN 26 (the Cakkavatti Sutta) concludes with the Buddha using the long, detailed discussion of a Cakkavatti he had just given as a framing for how monks should live.

MN 92 (the Sela Sutta) tells of an encounter between the Buddha and a Brahmin teacher named Sela. Even before the meeting occurs, the sutta uses interesting language to describe the Buddha - it says Sela warned his students to approach the Buddha quietly, because "Buddhas are intimidating, like lions that live in solitude." He cautioned them not to interrupt while he spoke to the Buddha.

After polite conversation, Sela inspected the Buddha's body for the marks, and the typical process of the Buddha revealing the two hidden marks took place. Interestingly, in this instance, we are told that Sela was still unconvinced, and decided to test the Buddha in one final way: Sela was aware of Brahmin lore stating that, in ages past, Buddhas reveal themselves when they are praised. Sela began to praise the Buddha in verse, reciting: "Your body is perfect, possessed of the Great Man's Marks. Why do you choose to be an ascetic? You could be a king, a Cakkavatti."

The Buddha boldly responded, likewise in verse, "I am a king, Sela. I am the supreme king of the Dhamma. (The Cakkavatti turns the Wheel-Treasure, and) I, by the Dhamma, turn the wheel which cannot be turned back."

Sela continued to question him. "If you are a king, who is your general? Who keeps the wheel turning?" The Buddha answered, "Sāriputta is my general. He keeps the wheel turning. Dispel your doubt, Brahmin - I am a Buddha! I have no equal, I have crushed Māra's army, I have subdued all my foes. I rejoice, and I fear nothing from any quarter." Sela was so impressed that he ordained on the spot, and invited his students to follow him.

In AN 4.130 (the Cakkavatti Acchariya Sutta), the Buddha tells his monks that when a Cakkavatti is visited by khattiyas, brahmins, householders, and ascetics alike, they are all delighted to see him and hear him speak, and when he's quiet, they long to hear more. Likewise, he says that Ānanda has the same kind of charisma: when he is visited by monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen alike, they are all delighted to see him and hear him speak, and when he's quiet, they long to hear more.

Furthermore, an entire chapter of the Anguttara Nikāya - the Rājavagga, or "Chapter on Kings" - features suttas where the Buddha used metaphors of kingship and royalty to establish parallels for his own order. Several of these reference the Cakkavatti. In the first, AN 5.131 (the Paṭhamacakkānuvattana Sutta), the Buddha declared that a Cakkavatti wields power righteously because of five factors: 1. knowing what is right 2. knowing Dhamma 3. knowing moderation 4. knowing "the right time" [the appropriate time to act] 5. knowing [what's best for] the assembly. Wielding power in this way, a Cakkavatti cannot be undermined by any human enemy. A Buddha, possessing these same factors, turns the Wheel of Dhamma, and this process cannot be turned back by any being whatsoever.

AN 5.132 (the Dutiyacakkānuvattana Sutta) draws the same parallel between a Cakkavatti's eldest son - the crown prince - and Sāriputta, who keeps the wheel turning after the Buddha has revealed the Dhamma.

AN 5.133 (the Dhammarājā Sutta) establishes the fact that even a Cakkavatti is, himself, subject to a higher authority - Dhamma, or Principle. The Cakkavatti must rely on Dhamma in order to provide protection and security for his subjects. Likewise, a Buddha acts as a righteous king in his own way by relying on Dhamma, establishing protection and security for his disciples by teaching them how to live.

Being Holy is Better than Being a Cakkavatti

Despite how much the suttas praise the Cakkavatti ideal, they also make another point clearly: living the holy life of a renunciant is still better. Again, one of the duties of a Cakkavatti is to consult holy men for guidance. Furthermore, in MN 129, the Buddha asked his monks to consider the seven treasures and the four blessings enjoyed by a Cakkavatti. The pleasures a Cakkavatti experiences are unimaginable for most people. The Buddha then picked up a stone, held it in his hand, and told the monks that the joys of a Cakkavatti could be imagined like that stone, while the joys of a heavenly rebirth (as a result of living a holy life) would be like the entire Himalayan mountains in comparison.

In MN 83 (the Maghādeva Sutta), where the Buddha told Ānanda about his past life as King Maghādeva, he said that the line of noble kings was broken when Kalārajanaka failed to renounce the lay life at the end of his reign. This establishes an important part of the Cakkavatti mythos: a true Wheel-Turning King must renounce his royal life and become a holy mendicant, practicing the four Brahmavihāra meditations. Failing to do so results in the breaking of the noble royal lineage. The Cakkavattis understand that the path of a holy man leads to greater results than even the highest form of royal life.

Passages which discuss the parallels between the Buddha and the Cakkavatti (such as those found in AN 5.133 and DN 30) clearly establish that Buddhahood is greater - the Cakkavatti is described as possessing power which cannot be undermined by any human, but the Buddha has power which cannot be undermined by any being whatsoever - not even gods or Māras.

DN 17 (the Mahāsudassana Sutta) shows the Buddha concluding a long recollection of his past life as King Mahāsudassana, and the numerous kinds of royal pleasures he enjoyed, with a striking lesson on impermanence: all of those wonderful things he enjoyed as King Mahāsudassana came to an end. Even the highest pleasures of the worldly life are impermanent, unstable, and unreliable. Even though he once ruled as a noble king in a grand capital city, the greater achievement was that he now laid in that forest, ready to die, having achieved his final birth and attained enlightenment as a homeless beggar.

Most succinctly, the Dhammapada (Dh 178) records a verse wherein the Buddha said that "the noble fruit of streamwinning" (the achievement of the first stage on the path to becoming an Arahant) is "better than full sovereignty over the Earth." Even the first stage of progression towards enlightenment is better than being king of everything in the world - how much better is full enlightment!

Analysis

There is some scholarly debate over whether or not the idea of the Cakkavatti originated during the Buddha's lifetime. Bhikku Bodhi suggests that it did, speculating that the Buddha taught about the Cakkavatti ideal in response to the shifting political landscape of his time. During the Buddha's ministry, the loosely-connected Indian territories - formerly a land composed of various republican states - were slowly falling into the hands of kings and emperors. We can see this process recorded in the suttas; for example, DN 16 records the time King Ajātasattu planned to conquer the Vajjian Republic. Bodhi, then, surmises that the Buddha foresaw the eventual dominance of monarchies and established the Cakkavatti ideal to serve as a model for kingship based in righteousness.

Sujato and Brahmāli point to an interesting possibility: the Cakkavatti idea may have been influenced by the Vedic horse sacrifice called "Ashvamedha." This was a royal ritual performed by Indian kings, and it is directly referenced in Sn 2.7 (where it is criticized as a practice encouraged by corrupt Brahmins), so the rite was definitely known to the early Buddhist community.

Piya Tan also points this out, stating that the description of the Cakkavatti following the Wheel-Treasure is "an unequivocal denunciation of the ancient bloody Ashvamedha [ritual]." Drawing on descriptions from Vedic texts, such as the Shatapatha Brāhmana (13.1 - 13.5), he provides a summary of the rite. A horse was chosen to be the sacrifical stallion, and was allowed to roam across the land for a full year, guarded by royal soldiers. If the horse entered a foreign country, this was taken as a declaration of war, and the opposing ruler would either have to defend his territory or accept the rule of the Vedic king and submit. If the king's forces remained undefeated and the horse remained uncaptured for the year, it was brought back and sacrificed in a public ritual to ensure the fertility and prosperity of the kingdom. The king could then be called a Chakravartin (the Sanskrit equivalent of the Pali Cakkavatti).

Sujato and Brahmāli identify the similarities between the Vedic ritual and the Buddhist conception of the Cakkavatti. The Cakkavatti is said to possess a "Horse-Treasure," which is described as white with a "crow-black" head, and the Vedic sacrificial horse is described as white with a black head and matching forequarters. Both the Cakkavatti and the sacrifical horse are protected by 1,000 warrior sons. The Cakkavatti's "Wheel-Treasure" plunges into the four seas, and the sacrifical horse is said to be of such a "cosmic stature" that it is born in both the western and eastern oceans. The Cakkavatti follows the Wheel-Treasure as it rolls across the land, and all submit to his rule; the Vedic king, likewise, is described as following behind the sacrifical horse as it travels across the realm, and everyone must submit to the newly-crowned ruler. The Horse-Treasure can fly, and the sacrifical horse is identified with the sun, which is often depicted in Indian art as a wheel in the sky. Finally, both the Cakkavatti and the Vedic king are expected to fulfill duties of cosmological signifiance.

Sujato and Brahmāli, then, suggest that the Buddha based the Cakkavatti ideal on this Vedic practice, but inverted the violent, sacrifical aspects in order to establish an ethically ideal monarch. This would place the idea as a legitimate teaching of the Buddha, originating from his actual ministry. This, in my opinion, is strengthened by the idea that many passages about the Cakkavatti seem to be used to establish a thematic parallel to the superior "nobility" of the holy life (examples of which were discussed above). I find the possibility that the Buddha taught about the Cakkavatti to lampoon Vedic ideas of kingship and extoll the virtues of his own practice to be convincing.

Piya Tan, on the other hand, attributes the idea - at least in its fully-developed form - to influence from imperial forces in India after the Buddha's death. He supposes that DN 26 was composed during the reign of King Asoka, and was meant to function as a means for the monastic community to inspire him to govern in a way they would have found favorable. He explores possible sources for the general idea of the Cakkavatti, beginning with Alexander the Great. Alexander was recorded as possessing unique bodily features, like the Mahāpurisa, and Piya Tan raises the possibility that "Ālakamandā," the celestial city of the gods (referenced in DN 16 & 17), was an allusion to one of the grand cities which were called "Alexandria." He goes on to suggest that, if influence from Alexander the Great inspired the introduction of the Cakkavatti idea (as well as the Great Man and his marks), Asoka's reign inspired the use of this doctrine as a teaching meant influence a king's behavior.

Revisiting the Concept of the Mahāpurisa

As established at the top of the page, originally, "mahāpurisa" seems to have simply been a word used to praise monks - specifically arahants - for their accomplishments. As the tradition developed, the word became associated with two ideas: the 32 Marks and the Cakkavatti. These two concepts (especially the 32 Marks) became inflated by the later tradition, gradually growing more grand and more central to the understanding of a Buddha's identity. By uniting these ideas with the title of "mahāpurisa," the word took on a new meaning, signifying a cosmological "Great Man." This development narrowed the scope of who a mahāpurisa could be; it was no longer enough to be an accomplished arahant. Instead, the birth of a mahāpurisa was believed to be an incredibly rare event which resulted from lifetimes of previously-accumulated kamma. This Great Man would inevitably become a Buddha or a Cakkavatti.

Notes

[1] iddhi = a kind of mental power or psychic ability, usually gained through meditation

[2] Jambudīpa refers literally to the Indian subcontinent, but in Indian cosmology - specifically as understood by Buddhists - refers to one of four island continents which surround the cosmic mountain Sineru. In this sense, it is best understood as encompassing the entire human world.

[3] The term here is "gahani," which was understood as a special organ related to digestion. DN 17 calls this one of the special iddhis associated with a Cakkavatti. Although they are called iddhis, they are not the same as the mental powers produced through samādhi.

[4] DN 3, DN 4, DN 5, MN 91, MN 92/Sn 3.7, MN 93, MN 95, MN 100, AN 3.58, AN 3.59, AN 5.192

[5] DN 3, MN 91, MN 92/Sn 3.7, MN 93, MN 100

[6] DN 4, DN 5, MN 95

[7] AN 3.58, AN 3.59, AN 5.192

[8] Vin iii 1, Vin i 35, Vin i 242, Vin i 245, DN 2-6, DN 12 & 13, MN 41 & 42, MN 60, MN 75, MN 82, MN 91 & 92/Sn 3.7, MN 95, MN 98/Sn 3.9, MN 140, MN 150, SN 5.11.1.7, AN 3.63 & 3.65, AN 5.30, AN 6.42, AN 8.86

[9] Suddhāvāsa refers to the Pure Abodes, where Non-Returners are reborn and attain enlightenment.

[10] Researching this text was a nightmare. "The Yuga Purana" by John E. Mitchiner finally helped me make sense of things. My confusion was understandable, because the details surrounding the Gārgīyajyotisa are a labyrinthine disaster and most information online is vague at best, and incorrect at worst. This is also understandable. Even the Gārgīyajyotisa doesn't seem certain of itself - it gives its author two different names and uses them interchangeably. "Garga" and "Vrddha-Garga" seem to be the same person within the text, but later texts which draw from the Gārgīyajyotisa use these two names to refer to two different individuals.

Even worse, there are no fewer than fifteen (15!) different titles which the text uses to refer to itself. These include:

Vrddha-Gārgīya-jyotisa, Vrddha-Gārgīya-samhitā, Gārgīya-jyotisa, Gārgīya-samhitā, Gārgīya-śāstra, Vrddha-Gārgīya-jyotih-śāstra, Gārgīya-jyotih-śāstra, Vrddha-Garga-samhitā, Vrddha-Gārgī-samhitā, Gārgī-samhitā, Vrddha-Gargena Krtā Gārgī-samhitā, Vrddha-Garga-Krta-jyotisa, Vrddha-Garga-jyotisa-śāstra, Vrddha-Gārgīya-samhitā jyotih-śāstra, and Brhad-Gārgīya-samhitā.

Even worse than that, there are at least 5 separate texts in the same genre of literature which have similar names. These include:

Garga-samhitā, Gārgya-samhitā, Vrddha-Gārgya-samhitā, Vrddha-Gārgī-samhitā, and Uttara-Gārgya-samhitā.

If you feel like this is too easy, don't worry, it gets even more nuts, because there is an entirely unrelated text which is also called the Gargasamhitā. This one is about Krishna.

Gārgīyajyotisa is the most common name for the text we're discussing, and as far as I'm concerned, should be the only name anyone uses when discussing it. What a mess.

[11] Dhamma, here, is best understood as meaning "principle" and not "the Buddha's teachings," because a Cakkavatti does not necessarily reign during an aeon where a Buddha has taught the Buddhadhamma.

[12] See note 3.

[13] The sutta doesn't elaborate on this. The commentary specifies that it means homosexuality, but there is nothing to indicate this within the sutta itself. I feel comfortable calling this late bigotry and tossing it out.

Bibliography

[1] "Authenticity of the Early Buddhist Texts" by Bhikkhu Sujato & Bhikkhu Brahmali

[2] "SD 36.10 - The Discourse on the Lion-roar of the Wheel-turner" by Piya Tan

[3] "Buddhapada and the Bodhisattva Path" by Bhikku Anālayo

[4] "On the Origins of the 32 Marks of a Great Man" by Nathan McGovern

[5] "Mesopotamian and Indian Physiognomy" by Kenneth Zysk